Tuesday, December 12, 2017



WalkThrough: GUARDIANS OF THE GALAXY Telltale Episode 5 Part 5


WalkThrough: GUARDIANS OF THE GALAXY Telltale Episode 5 Part 2












Walkthrough: RESIDENT EVIL 7 NOT A HERO Part 2


Walkthrough: RESIDENT EVIL 7 NOT A HERO Part 1


Monday, December 11, 2017











Friday, November 27, 2009

Ishrat Hussain Ish Turi

Ishrat Hussain Ish Turi

Thursday, November 26, 2009

Tribes of Kurram by ishrat hussain ish

Tribes of Kurram


Tribes Of Upper Kurram

Kurram is divided into three distinct areas of Lower, Upper and FR Kurram. The Upper Kurram is the most populated part of the Agency and inhibited the most prominent and popular tribes of Turi and Bangash along with some other small tribes of Mungals, Jajis, Muqbals and Hazaras. The Lower Kurram is inhibited by relatively small number of Turis, Sunni Bangash and well-organized Zaimakht tribes. The FR Kurram is mainly populated by the Para- Chamkannis, Ali Sherzai and Massuzai tribes.


It was the end of the fifteen-century that the Turi tribe first came into prominence. They wandered in nomadic fashion till they came to Ariob in Afghanistan, the adjacent area at the top of the valley and they established their summer headquarters and in the winter took their flocks down as for as the river Indus. From Nilab, on the bank of Indus River near Attack, the tribe appears to have annually immigrated during the hot weather to the Kurram Valley, then owned by the Bangash. In his dairy of the 1506 A.D. the Emperor Babur mentions the presence of Turis in the Kurram valley.

Origin Of Turis

The Pathan genealogies show the Turis, as well as the Jajis, to be Ghurghusht Pathans of the Kakai Karlanri branch. In genealogy according to Olaf Caroe, They are Karlanri Pukhtuns, with Khugiani and Zazi (Jajis) as their Tarbors (cousins). All of them are the descendents of Khugi; a son of Koday from his second wife and thus Koday in turn is a son of Karlanri.
The Turis, themselves claim that they came originally from Persia with a Turkish family headed by Toghani who married with a Persian lady. This Turkish family quite later migrated eastward from Persia sometime before the establishment of the Mughal Empire in India and eventually settled at Nilab. In other place they claim that they came from Samarkand to Nilab. If their migration from Persia is considered then this afford a plausible explanation to the Shia religion of the Turis.There is little bit doubt in the origin of tribes that they established their summer headquarters at the head of the Valley and in the winter they took their flocks and herds down as for as the Indus at Nilab returning each year to the parent colony. The Bangash remained throughout the century in possession of the Kurram valley while the Turis pursued their nomadic wanderings up and down the valley. During one of their annual migration, about the year 1700 A.D. a quarrel broke out between the Turis and the Bangash owing to an insult of a Turi woman. At that time the Jajis and Turis were united and the first assault made on the Bangash took place in the Hariob valley, which the Jajis seized. The Turis, throwing off the disguise of nomad vassals, attacked and captured Berki, which stands on the high grounds above Kharlachi. Then they proceeded to consolidate themselves for a time, after which they captured Peiwar and by passing Shalozan they took Malana in the Upper Kurram. Once the Turis were in possession of these upper villages, the tide of conquest followed on uninterruptedly. The Turis gradually made themselves masters of the Kurram valley. They drove the Bangash out of the Kurram valley and settled in the major villages of Peiwar, Berki, Krakhela, Kachkena, Malana, Bilyamin, Alizai and the Road Ghara (Bank of the River Kurram). The Turis maintained possession of the valley till the middle of the 19th century, when they were in turn conquered by the Afghan, who remained till the second Anglo-Afghan, war of 1879-80. Finally the Turis came under the protection of the British Government in 1892. The Turis are the main and powerful tribe in the Kurram valley. The Turis are divided into five main sections or clans, sometimes spoken of collectively as the Paniplara (literally five fathers).


Bangash is one of the major Pakhtun tribe. Though, some traditions has a claim of their Arab origin but it is hard to testify this claim and its validity in term of who they are. it suffices to note that by all standard they are perfect afghans are Pakhtuns. Their commons ancestor Ismail, lived at Gardiz in Afghanistan but they were hard pressed by the powerful Ghilzai tribe and thus sometime toward the end of fourteen or in the beginning of the fifteen century they migrated eastward. After, wandering through Multan, Derajat and Khost area for almost two centuries they finally settled in the Kurram valley by the time came the Turis, who at the first were subordinate to them but gradually in their own turn decline the Bangash and pushed them in to the Kohat district .However, a significant number of them still live in big villages of Shalozan and Zeran in the upper Kurram. They are no more different from their co-religious Turi, accept, perhaps in the pride of family and tribal origin. They are mostly referred together as Turi- Bangash and enjoy equal rights. Sharing the faith of Shiaism in Islam, they follow their common religious and traditional leadership. Like the Turi, they also deeply revered Sayeds families and at the same time equally divided in the Drewandi and the Mian Murid factions.


Mangals, Muqbils and Zadrans,, according to Olaf Caroe are believed to be the descendent of the same line of their ancestors as that of Turis , Zazi and Khogianis. Majority of these tribe are living across the border in Afghanistan of Paktia and Khost provinces. For different reason some of them come into the valley and started living along side the Turi in Kurram. The Mangal setters also came originally from Gabar and are settled in a scattered habitation from the Paiwar kotal to Zeran in the vicinity of Spin Ghar lower hills and higher villages behind the villages of Paiwar, Shalozan, Mulana, and Zeran. The villages they hold directly under their control are Turi kotri sursurang under the Paiwar kotal.

Khiljis or Ghaljis

The Ghilzais (also known as Khiljis or Ghaljis) are one of two largest groups of Pashtuns, along with the Durani tribe, found in Afghanistan with a large group also found in neighboring Pakistan. They are the most populous Pashtun tribe in Afghanistan, occupying the north of Kandahar and extending eastwards towards the Suleiman Mountains.

The Ghilzais are concentrated in an area spanning Ghazni and Kalat-i-Ghilzai eastward into western Pakistan, but are predominantly a nomadic group unlike the Durrani who can be found in permanent settlements. Population estimates vary, but they are most likely around 20 to 25% of the population of Afghanistan and probably number over 9 million in Afghanistan alone with 2 million or more found in neighboring Pakistan. They are reputed to be descended at least in part from the Khalaj or Khilji Turks, who entered Afghanistan in the 10th century as well as the numerous other invaders from Central Asia and the Middle East who have entered Afghanistan over the centuries. Most Ghilzai are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school and are often devout to their faith and also follow the Pashtun code of honor known as Pashtunwali.. Most Ghilzai work as herders as well as in construction and other jobs that allow them to travel. Often displaying an uncanny mechanical apptitude, the Ghilzai nonetheless have an extremely low literacy rate hovering below 10%.

The Ghilzai have played a prominent role throughout the history of the Middle East, Central Asia, and South Asia.. The Nasher (Ghaznavids) are Ghilzais, as well as the Lodi dynasty, who were rulers of the Delhi Sultanate (1450–1526), were Ghilzai Pashtuns. In 1709, Mirwais Khan Hotak, a Ghilzai Pashtun and founder of the short-lived Hotaki Dynasty (1709-38), led an Afghan tribal revolt against Persian rule that eventually led to the short-lived Afghan domination of Persia from 1722 until 1734 when Nadir Shah began to wrest control from the Ghilzais.


Jaji Tribe is one of the pakhtoon tribe Basically from Paktia Province of Afghanistan.They were coming from there to Kurrum agency in past as it was part of afghanistan.Many of them came to Kurrum agency because of personal conflicts.The 1st person who came to parachinar was Akbar khan in 1892 and got Kurrum Identity card in 1913.So,after that Jaji give full support to Political agent of Kurrum agency for the strentghning of the valley.Now Jaji Tribe is a part of Kurrum agency.

Tribes of F.R Kurram

Kurram, as mentioned earlier, is an un-administered area totally independent and isolated. This part of the Kurram Agency is inhabited by powerful tribes of Ali Sherzai , Massuzai, and Para Chamkanis. To have a better understanding of the tribal configuration, the area may be represented by the better k. If from the point where the three lines meet, a fourth line be drawn to the right horizontally, the meeting point of the four lines is Sadda the upright is the kurram river, the lowest quarter is Zaimusht area, the next Ali Sherzai, the next Massuzai and the highest and last Para Chamkani. A brief description of these tribes are given below.


The Alisherzai,s occupy a strip of country screeching from Sadda along the top of Zaimusht area . The Alisherzai are of Orakzai origin for the purposes of jurisdiction they are divided into pitao and sorai (those who live on the sunny side of the hill and those who live in the shady side). The former are under the kurram political jurisdiction and the later Kohat . Some of the Alisherzai own property and live in Sada (a sub-division and flourishing market), Kurram Agency . They have practically less connection with there co-tribes man in the inaccessible area. with the rest of the Alisherzai tribe the Kurram authorities have little dealing.


Massuzai are also Orakzai the factional division are formed into the Gar & Samil Massuzai . The former consist of the Mastukhail and Dilmarzai and later of the Ashkhel and khwajAkhel. A section of the tribe live in the Khurmana valley in Tirah. Massuzai have no land in upper and lower kurram. The Gar Massuzai, used to have land at some dissent period Ibrahimzai and Baleshkhel villages near sada. It finally passed over from their hands but on a compromises, whereby the, new in habitant became bamsayas of the Gar Massuzais, and were bound to entertain the Jurga when it came to Sada.


The Chamkanis are traditionally supposed to belong to the Ghoriakhel section of the Sarbani pakhtoon. Some authority assign them a Persian origin. They certainly have no connection with the Afridies are Orakzai but by their Sarbani origin they are related to the Mohmands, Daudzai, and Khalils tribe settled in and around Peshawar in the sixteenth century, some of them moved to the north of the east of the kurram valley near Kirman village on the northern slopes of the Sikharam of the spin Ghar range. However, most of the tribe is at present located in the Thabai and awi Darras, in the Khumana valley in Tirah. Although, there is some doubt as to whether the tribe should be called Chamkani are Para Chamkani, since it is contended that the later name belong on the to the Haji khel section. The matter is however, of academic interest only, because people of the kurram in talking of the tribes speak of them as Parras, omitting all together the tag Chamkani.

The Chamkanis are divided into four main section, the Badakhel, as already mentioned have left the tribe altogether and have settled in the Kurram proper. The Khanikhel, the Hajikhel, and the Khwajakhel, who divide into two parties, the Khanikhel, who live far back around Thabai, the khwajak and Haji Khels who live near Kirman in upper Kurram .They are more accessible and are to a large extent dependent for their safe passage on Turi tribe and are somewhat amenable. Whereas, the Khanikhel occupy a possession very like that of Massuzai. In the whole history of British occupation of the valley there had always been trouble while dealing with one or other section of the Para- Chamkanis. FR. Kurram is still a closed and prohibited area with no roads hospitals, and Schools.




The Jirga System by ishrat hussain ish

Features Of Justice Administration in Tribal Areas


1: The Jirga System:

Jirga is the customary judicial institution in which the cases are tried, rewards and punishments are inflicted. The use of Jirga is from the outset, not limited to trials of major or minor crimes and civil disputes but it also helps and assists in resolving conflicts and disputes b/w individuals, groups and tribes .It is the only vehicle through which the political administration in tribal areas asserts itself in different ways. Whenever, there is a clash or fight b/w two rival groups or clans in an agency, usually on their proprietary rights of certain land or mountain, the well armed rival groups dig in and the fight starts. This usually results in several deaths and dozens being wounded, paralyzing every day activity completely. The political administration lacks the authority to enforce peace. so jirga is held with the two sides separately; either a cease-fir is obtained, or a 'Tiga' is placed.

The origin of jirgas is lost in the mist of history. It may have been indigenous to pakhtun society or may have been brought along by central Asian invaders .Jirga is, however, an institution which helps to promote and enrich the pakhtun culture and values.

Different societies have their own traditions of justice like, the concept of puncbaiat in Sub-Continent or Anglo-American concept of Jury, in United States. These institutions are of historic importance, in which a group of people participates in major way in deciding cases brought to the trial. So Jirga is also one tradition of Justice.

2: Types of Jirga

Jirga and maraka, have similar meanings but with different connotations. The difference b/w the two based on its status with respect to authority .In a formal way the term jirga is commonly used in government circles .It is vested with legal authority in term of case referred to it by administrative court which is decided upon the recommendations of Jirga .In common Parlance the term Marka is used among the tribal people. The term Maraka is a much broader term in its scope and jurisdiction. It is a general gathering or assembly of people in which important collective issues are discussed, opinions sought, and decisions taken.

(i) Sarkari Jirga:

A group of elders designated by the magistrate The PA or APA) who are required to give a finding as to the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal case or civil dispute. The frontier Crimes regulation1901,Authorising settlement of quarrels arising out of the blood-feuds, relating to zzun,zar,zamin(women,wealth and land), and all other questions affecting.

(ii) Qaumi or Ulusi Jirga:

When a represtative gathering is held, comprising all sections of a tribe to deliberate on the issues concerning the whole community or the tribe can be called a Qaumi Maraka. Whereas, the term Usually refers to that unit of people orginasedon the basis of village or area (mouzha) concerned. Therefore, Ulusi jirga is the assembly of elders of each household of a certain village to discuss collective matter such as collective property like Shamilat, right and distribution of irrigation water or common concerns like, selection of the possible site for a school, an irrigation project etc..

(iii)Sbakbi Jirga:

In case of a dispute b/w two individual or families, in order to avoid bloodshed they ask the elders to form a jirga to settle the dispute. Jirga members would gathers in council, listen to the parties and judge the rights and wrongs of the case.


The selection of jirga members varies according to the type of jirga.For sarkari jirga, usualy members are selected from the notables, spingiri (elders),or the maliks of the area.In an individual sbakbsi jirga the Govt. selects and appoints two members from his site whereas one member each is selected by the consent of the parties in the dispute. The PCR have provided for the constitution of an independent and imperial jirga in as such as party to the dispute has been given the right to nominate an equal number of their representative to safeguard their interests. In case, where the paries belong to different sects, then the members of the jirga will be taken from both the sects. The right of nomination for a jirga membership is always reserved with the administration.

Ref. (A Focus on Kurram).




Administration Of Parachinar By Ishrat Hussain Ish



The administration in the Agency is run by the Political Agents and in the special areas attached to the districts by the respective Deputy Commissioners. The Political Agent is the `Kingpin' around which revolves the entire Agency administration. He is accountable to the provincial governor who also acts as an Agent to the President for tribal areas. The Political Agent coordinates the functions of nation building departments in the Agency and controls the tribesmen through a system of tribal and territorial responsibility, which, of course, is the key stone of the arch of political administration. The Political Agent usually does not interfere in the affairs of the tribesmen and intervenes only when a grave situation arises. He exercises his benign influence in case of the outbreak of tribal hostilities. The success of a Political Agent largely depends upon his personal influence and ability to tackle a difficult situation. He is assisted in his work by a small band of officers, including Assistant Political Officers, Tehsildars and Naib Tehsildars and so called Mirza.


The staff consists of a Tehsildar, who also perform the revenue duties of superintendent Vernacular Office, Naib Tahsildar, 3 Kanugos and 24 Patwaris. These last were originally drawn from other districts, but a number of young men of he valley, who have received the education and training required, have been appointed, and it is hoped that the valley will soon be self-supporting in this respect.


It has already been stated that there are no police in the valley. Their place is taken by a couple of dozen of men of the Kurram Milita, who are detailed from time to time to assist the Naib Hakims. These acts as arresting agency and process servers and are found quite adequate to perform their duties satisfactorily. A similar number attached to the Tahsildar carry out the duties of revenue peons. For other police duties such as the guarding of prisoners, the making of more important or difficult arrests and the like, armed men of the Militia are detailed by the commandant daily to the number required.


There is civil surgeon who is also Medical officer of the Militia. There is a central Hospital at Parachinar with a Hospital Assistant, and another Civil Hospital at Alizai with a Hospital Assistant in charge in the post of Duma Khwarra at Sadda.

Under the Constitution, FATA is included among the “territories” of Pakistan (Article 1). It is represented in the National Assembly and the Senate but remains under the direct executive authority of the President (Articles 51, 59 and 247). Laws framed by the National Assembly do not apply here unless so ordered by the President, who is also empowered to issue regulations for the “peace and good government” of the tribal areas. Today, FATA continues to be governed primarily through the Frontier Crimes Regulation 1901. It is administered by Governor of the NWFP in his capacity as an agent to the President of Pakistan, under the overall supervision of the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions in Islamabad (Khan, 2005).

Until 2002, decisions related to development planning in the tribal areas were taken by the FATA section of the NWFP planning and development department, and implemented by government line departments. In that year, a FATA Secretariat was set up, headed by the Secretary FATA. Four years later, in 2006, the Civil Secretariat FATA was established to take over decision-making functions, with an Additional Chief Secretary, four secretaries and a number of directors. Project implementation is now carried out by line departments of the Civil Secretariat FATA. The NWFP Governor’s Secretariat plays a coordinating role for interaction between the federal and provincial governments and the Civil Secretariat FATA.

Each tribal agency is administered by a political agent, assisted by a number of assistant political agents, tehsildars (administrative head of a tehsil) and naib tehsildars (deputy tehsildar), as well as members from various local police (khassadars) and security forces (levies, scouts). As part of his administrative functions, the political agent oversees the working of line departments and service providers. He is responsible for handling inter-tribal disputes over boundaries or the use of natural resources, and for regulating the trade in natural resources with other agencies or the settled areas.

The political agent plays a supervisory role for development projects and chairs an agency development sub-committee, comprising various government officials, to recommend proposals and approve development projects. He also serves as project coordinator for rural development schemes.

An FR is administered by the district coordination officer of the respective settled district, who exercises the same powers in an FR as the political agent does in a tribal agency.

Interference in local matters is kept to a minimum. The tribes regulate their own affairs in accordance with customary rules and unwritten codes, characterised by collective responsibility for the actions of individual tribe members and territorial responsibility for the area under their control. The government functions through local-level tribal intermediaries, the maliks (representatives of the tribes) and lungi holders (representatives of sub-tribes or clans), who are influential members of their respective clan or tribe (Shinwari, undated).

All civil and criminal cases in FATA are decided under the Frontier Crimes Regulation 1901 by a jirga (council of elders). Residents of the tribal areas may, however, approach the apex courts (Supreme Court of Pakistan and Peshawar High Court) with a constitutional writ challenging a decision issued under the 1901 Regulation.

FATA elects members to the federal legislature through adult franchise. The system of devolution introduced elsewhere in the country in 2001 by means of provincial Local Government Ordinances (LGOs) has not been extended to the tribal areas. A separate LGO for FATA has been drafted and is awaiting promulgation. A system of partial local-level governance does, however, operate through councils in the tribal agencies and FRs. Elected councillors are involved in various aspects of development planning and decision making.

FATA is divided into two administrative categories: ‘protected’ areas are regions under the direct control of the government, while ‘non-protected’ areas are administered indirectly through local tribes.

In protected areas, criminal and civil cases are decided by political officers vested with judicial powers. After completing the necessary inquiries and investigations, cognizance of the case is taken and a jirga is constituted with the consent of the disputing parties. The case is then referred to the jirga, accompanied by terms of reference. The jirga hears the parties, examines evidence, conducts further inquiries where needed, and issues a verdict which may be split or unanimous. The political agent, or an official appointed by the political agent for this purpose, examines the verdict in the presence of parties to the case and members of the jirga. If the verdict is found to be contrary to customary law or tainted with any irregularity, the case may be remanded to the same jirga for re-examination or the verdict may be rejected and a fresh jirga constituted. Where the verdict is held to be in accordance with customary law and free of irregularities, it is accepted and a decree is issued accordingly. An aggrieved party may challenge the decree before an appellate court, and a further appeal may be lodged with a tribunal consisting of the home secretary and law secretary of the federal or provincial government. Once appeals are exhausted, execution of the verdict is the responsibility of the political administration.

In non-protected areas, cases are resolved through a local jirga at the agency level. Local mediators first intervene to achieve a truce (tiga) between parties in a criminal case, or to obtain security (muchalga) in cash or kind for civil disputes. Thereafter, parties must arrive at a consensus concerning the mode of settlement—arbitration, riwaj (customary law) or Shariah (Islamic law). Once the mode of settlement is agreed upon, mediators arrange for the selection of a jirga with the consent of the parties to the case.

Where arbitration is selected, a jirga is nominated by consensus and given an open mandate (waak), with the understanding that its decision will be accepted by all parties. Here, the decision of the jirga cannot be challenged. In cases decided according to customary law or the Shariah, however, an aggrieved party may challenge the jirga’s decision before another jirga of their own choice. The new jirga does not hear the case afresh but only examines the original decision to see whether it deviates from customary law or the Shariah. Further appeal may be referred to a third jirga and its decision is final.

Implementation of jirga decisions in non-protected areas is the responsibility of the tribe. The jirga may mete out punishment to an offender, imposing a heavy fine. Occasionally, more serious measures may be taken such as expelling an individual or a family from the area, and confiscating, destroying or setting fire to homes and property. In such cases, the entire tribe bands together as a lashkar (army) to enforce the decision.

While most disputes are settled internally, more serious matters may require the calling of a larger jirga made up of maliks, elders, the political agent, members of the National Assembly and Senate, and occasionally even representatives from neighbouring agencies or FRs.

Although the jirga mechanism enjoys widespread favour, corruption has begun to enter the system. It is reported that the poor and more vulnerable segments of society cannot afford to convene a jirga. There are a number of requirements for a jirga to be held, including hospitality, which are increasingly beyond the reach of most ordinary people. There is also the grievance, now voiced more frequently, that in most cases jirga decisions favour the richer or more influential party.