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Friday, November 27, 2009

Ishrat Hussain Ish Turi

Ishrat Hussain Ish Turi
ishrathussainish@hotmail.com

Thursday, November 26, 2009

Tribes of Kurram by ishrat hussain ish

Tribes of Kurram

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Tribes Of Upper Kurram

Kurram is divided into three distinct areas of Lower, Upper and FR Kurram. The Upper Kurram is the most populated part of the Agency and inhibited the most prominent and popular tribes of Turi and Bangash along with some other small tribes of Mungals, Jajis, Muqbals and Hazaras. The Lower Kurram is inhibited by relatively small number of Turis, Sunni Bangash and well-organized Zaimakht tribes. The FR Kurram is mainly populated by the Para- Chamkannis, Ali Sherzai and Massuzai tribes.

TURI

It was the end of the fifteen-century that the Turi tribe first came into prominence. They wandered in nomadic fashion till they came to Ariob in Afghanistan, the adjacent area at the top of the valley and they established their summer headquarters and in the winter took their flocks down as for as the river Indus. From Nilab, on the bank of Indus River near Attack, the tribe appears to have annually immigrated during the hot weather to the Kurram Valley, then owned by the Bangash. In his dairy of the 1506 A.D. the Emperor Babur mentions the presence of Turis in the Kurram valley.

Origin Of Turis

The Pathan genealogies show the Turis, as well as the Jajis, to be Ghurghusht Pathans of the Kakai Karlanri branch. In genealogy according to Olaf Caroe, They are Karlanri Pukhtuns, with Khugiani and Zazi (Jajis) as their Tarbors (cousins). All of them are the descendents of Khugi; a son of Koday from his second wife and thus Koday in turn is a son of Karlanri.
The Turis, themselves claim that they came originally from Persia with a Turkish family headed by Toghani who married with a Persian lady. This Turkish family quite later migrated eastward from Persia sometime before the establishment of the Mughal Empire in India and eventually settled at Nilab. In other place they claim that they came from Samarkand to Nilab. If their migration from Persia is considered then this afford a plausible explanation to the Shia religion of the Turis.There is little bit doubt in the origin of tribes that they established their summer headquarters at the head of the Valley and in the winter they took their flocks and herds down as for as the Indus at Nilab returning each year to the parent colony. The Bangash remained throughout the century in possession of the Kurram valley while the Turis pursued their nomadic wanderings up and down the valley. During one of their annual migration, about the year 1700 A.D. a quarrel broke out between the Turis and the Bangash owing to an insult of a Turi woman. At that time the Jajis and Turis were united and the first assault made on the Bangash took place in the Hariob valley, which the Jajis seized. The Turis, throwing off the disguise of nomad vassals, attacked and captured Berki, which stands on the high grounds above Kharlachi. Then they proceeded to consolidate themselves for a time, after which they captured Peiwar and by passing Shalozan they took Malana in the Upper Kurram. Once the Turis were in possession of these upper villages, the tide of conquest followed on uninterruptedly. The Turis gradually made themselves masters of the Kurram valley. They drove the Bangash out of the Kurram valley and settled in the major villages of Peiwar, Berki, Krakhela, Kachkena, Malana, Bilyamin, Alizai and the Road Ghara (Bank of the River Kurram). The Turis maintained possession of the valley till the middle of the 19th century, when they were in turn conquered by the Afghan, who remained till the second Anglo-Afghan, war of 1879-80. Finally the Turis came under the protection of the British Government in 1892. The Turis are the main and powerful tribe in the Kurram valley. The Turis are divided into five main sections or clans, sometimes spoken of collectively as the Paniplara (literally five fathers).

BANGASH

Bangash is one of the major Pakhtun tribe. Though, some traditions has a claim of their Arab origin but it is hard to testify this claim and its validity in term of who they are. it suffices to note that by all standard they are perfect afghans are Pakhtuns. Their commons ancestor Ismail, lived at Gardiz in Afghanistan but they were hard pressed by the powerful Ghilzai tribe and thus sometime toward the end of fourteen or in the beginning of the fifteen century they migrated eastward. After, wandering through Multan, Derajat and Khost area for almost two centuries they finally settled in the Kurram valley by the time came the Turis, who at the first were subordinate to them but gradually in their own turn decline the Bangash and pushed them in to the Kohat district .However, a significant number of them still live in big villages of Shalozan and Zeran in the upper Kurram. They are no more different from their co-religious Turi, accept, perhaps in the pride of family and tribal origin. They are mostly referred together as Turi- Bangash and enjoy equal rights. Sharing the faith of Shiaism in Islam, they follow their common religious and traditional leadership. Like the Turi, they also deeply revered Sayeds families and at the same time equally divided in the Drewandi and the Mian Murid factions.

MANGALS AND MUQBILS

Mangals, Muqbils and Zadrans,, according to Olaf Caroe are believed to be the descendent of the same line of their ancestors as that of Turis , Zazi and Khogianis. Majority of these tribe are living across the border in Afghanistan of Paktia and Khost provinces. For different reason some of them come into the valley and started living along side the Turi in Kurram. The Mangal setters also came originally from Gabar and are settled in a scattered habitation from the Paiwar kotal to Zeran in the vicinity of Spin Ghar lower hills and higher villages behind the villages of Paiwar, Shalozan, Mulana, and Zeran. The villages they hold directly under their control are Turi kotri sursurang under the Paiwar kotal.

Khiljis or Ghaljis

The Ghilzais (also known as Khiljis or Ghaljis) are one of two largest groups of Pashtuns, along with the Durani tribe, found in Afghanistan with a large group also found in neighboring Pakistan. They are the most populous Pashtun tribe in Afghanistan, occupying the north of Kandahar and extending eastwards towards the Suleiman Mountains.

The Ghilzais are concentrated in an area spanning Ghazni and Kalat-i-Ghilzai eastward into western Pakistan, but are predominantly a nomadic group unlike the Durrani who can be found in permanent settlements. Population estimates vary, but they are most likely around 20 to 25% of the population of Afghanistan and probably number over 9 million in Afghanistan alone with 2 million or more found in neighboring Pakistan. They are reputed to be descended at least in part from the Khalaj or Khilji Turks, who entered Afghanistan in the 10th century as well as the numerous other invaders from Central Asia and the Middle East who have entered Afghanistan over the centuries. Most Ghilzai are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school and are often devout to their faith and also follow the Pashtun code of honor known as Pashtunwali.. Most Ghilzai work as herders as well as in construction and other jobs that allow them to travel. Often displaying an uncanny mechanical apptitude, the Ghilzai nonetheless have an extremely low literacy rate hovering below 10%.

The Ghilzai have played a prominent role throughout the history of the Middle East, Central Asia, and South Asia.. The Nasher (Ghaznavids) are Ghilzais, as well as the Lodi dynasty, who were rulers of the Delhi Sultanate (1450–1526), were Ghilzai Pashtuns. In 1709, Mirwais Khan Hotak, a Ghilzai Pashtun and founder of the short-lived Hotaki Dynasty (1709-38), led an Afghan tribal revolt against Persian rule that eventually led to the short-lived Afghan domination of Persia from 1722 until 1734 when Nadir Shah began to wrest control from the Ghilzais.

Jaji

Jaji Tribe is one of the pakhtoon tribe Basically from Paktia Province of Afghanistan.They were coming from there to Kurrum agency in past as it was part of afghanistan.Many of them came to Kurrum agency because of personal conflicts.The 1st person who came to parachinar was Akbar khan in 1892 and got Kurrum Identity card in 1913.So,after that Jaji give full support to Political agent of Kurrum agency for the strentghning of the valley.Now Jaji Tribe is a part of Kurrum agency.


Tribes of F.R Kurram

Kurram, as mentioned earlier, is an un-administered area totally independent and isolated. This part of the Kurram Agency is inhabited by powerful tribes of Ali Sherzai , Massuzai, and Para Chamkanis. To have a better understanding of the tribal configuration, the area may be represented by the better k. If from the point where the three lines meet, a fourth line be drawn to the right horizontally, the meeting point of the four lines is Sadda the upright is the kurram river, the lowest quarter is Zaimusht area, the next Ali Sherzai, the next Massuzai and the highest and last Para Chamkani. A brief description of these tribes are given below.

ALI SHERZAI

The Alisherzai,s occupy a strip of country screeching from Sadda along the top of Zaimusht area . The Alisherzai are of Orakzai origin for the purposes of jurisdiction they are divided into pitao and sorai (those who live on the sunny side of the hill and those who live in the shady side). The former are under the kurram political jurisdiction and the later Kohat . Some of the Alisherzai own property and live in Sada (a sub-division and flourishing market), Kurram Agency . They have practically less connection with there co-tribes man in the inaccessible area. with the rest of the Alisherzai tribe the Kurram authorities have little dealing.

MASSUZAI

Massuzai are also Orakzai the factional division are formed into the Gar & Samil Massuzai . The former consist of the Mastukhail and Dilmarzai and later of the Ashkhel and khwajAkhel. A section of the tribe live in the Khurmana valley in Tirah. Massuzai have no land in upper and lower kurram. The Gar Massuzai, used to have land at some dissent period Ibrahimzai and Baleshkhel villages near sada. It finally passed over from their hands but on a compromises, whereby the, new in habitant became bamsayas of the Gar Massuzais, and were bound to entertain the Jurga when it came to Sada.

PARA CHAMKANI

The Chamkanis are traditionally supposed to belong to the Ghoriakhel section of the Sarbani pakhtoon. Some authority assign them a Persian origin. They certainly have no connection with the Afridies are Orakzai but by their Sarbani origin they are related to the Mohmands, Daudzai, and Khalils tribe settled in and around Peshawar in the sixteenth century, some of them moved to the north of the east of the kurram valley near Kirman village on the northern slopes of the Sikharam of the spin Ghar range. However, most of the tribe is at present located in the Thabai and awi Darras, in the Khumana valley in Tirah. Although, there is some doubt as to whether the tribe should be called Chamkani are Para Chamkani, since it is contended that the later name belong on the to the Haji khel section. The matter is however, of academic interest only, because people of the kurram in talking of the tribes speak of them as Parras, omitting all together the tag Chamkani.

The Chamkanis are divided into four main section, the Badakhel, as already mentioned have left the tribe altogether and have settled in the Kurram proper. The Khanikhel, the Hajikhel, and the Khwajakhel, who divide into two parties, the Khanikhel, who live far back around Thabai, the khwajak and Haji Khels who live near Kirman in upper Kurram .They are more accessible and are to a large extent dependent for their safe passage on Turi tribe and are somewhat amenable. Whereas, the Khanikhel occupy a possession very like that of Massuzai. In the whole history of British occupation of the valley there had always been trouble while dealing with one or other section of the Para- Chamkanis. FR. Kurram is still a closed and prohibited area with no roads hospitals, and Schools.

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The Jirga System by ishrat hussain ish

Features Of Justice Administration in Tribal Areas




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1: The Jirga System:

Jirga is the customary judicial institution in which the cases are tried, rewards and punishments are inflicted. The use of Jirga is from the outset, not limited to trials of major or minor crimes and civil disputes but it also helps and assists in resolving conflicts and disputes b/w individuals, groups and tribes .It is the only vehicle through which the political administration in tribal areas asserts itself in different ways. Whenever, there is a clash or fight b/w two rival groups or clans in an agency, usually on their proprietary rights of certain land or mountain, the well armed rival groups dig in and the fight starts. This usually results in several deaths and dozens being wounded, paralyzing every day activity completely. The political administration lacks the authority to enforce peace. so jirga is held with the two sides separately; either a cease-fir is obtained, or a 'Tiga' is placed.

The origin of jirgas is lost in the mist of history. It may have been indigenous to pakhtun society or may have been brought along by central Asian invaders .Jirga is, however, an institution which helps to promote and enrich the pakhtun culture and values.

Different societies have their own traditions of justice like, the concept of puncbaiat in Sub-Continent or Anglo-American concept of Jury, in United States. These institutions are of historic importance, in which a group of people participates in major way in deciding cases brought to the trial. So Jirga is also one tradition of Justice.

2: Types of Jirga

Jirga and maraka, have similar meanings but with different connotations. The difference b/w the two based on its status with respect to authority .In a formal way the term jirga is commonly used in government circles .It is vested with legal authority in term of case referred to it by administrative court which is decided upon the recommendations of Jirga .In common Parlance the term Marka is used among the tribal people. The term Maraka is a much broader term in its scope and jurisdiction. It is a general gathering or assembly of people in which important collective issues are discussed, opinions sought, and decisions taken.

(i) Sarkari Jirga:

A group of elders designated by the magistrate The PA or APA) who are required to give a finding as to the guilt or innocence of the accused in criminal case or civil dispute. The frontier Crimes regulation1901,Authorising settlement of quarrels arising out of the blood-feuds, relating to zzun,zar,zamin(women,wealth and land), and all other questions affecting.

(ii) Qaumi or Ulusi Jirga:

When a represtative gathering is held, comprising all sections of a tribe to deliberate on the issues concerning the whole community or the tribe can be called a Qaumi Maraka. Whereas, the term Usually refers to that unit of people orginasedon the basis of village or area (mouzha) concerned. Therefore, Ulusi jirga is the assembly of elders of each household of a certain village to discuss collective matter such as collective property like Shamilat, right and distribution of irrigation water or common concerns like, selection of the possible site for a school, an irrigation project etc..

(iii)Sbakbi Jirga:

In case of a dispute b/w two individual or families, in order to avoid bloodshed they ask the elders to form a jirga to settle the dispute. Jirga members would gathers in council, listen to the parties and judge the rights and wrongs of the case.

JIRGA SELECTION:

The selection of jirga members varies according to the type of jirga.For sarkari jirga, usualy members are selected from the notables, spingiri (elders),or the maliks of the area.In an individual sbakbsi jirga the Govt. selects and appoints two members from his site whereas one member each is selected by the consent of the parties in the dispute. The PCR have provided for the constitution of an independent and imperial jirga in as such as party to the dispute has been given the right to nominate an equal number of their representative to safeguard their interests. In case, where the paries belong to different sects, then the members of the jirga will be taken from both the sects. The right of nomination for a jirga membership is always reserved with the administration.

Ref. (A Focus on Kurram).


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Administration Of Parachinar By Ishrat Hussain Ish

Administration




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The administration in the Agency is run by the Political Agents and in the special areas attached to the districts by the respective Deputy Commissioners. The Political Agent is the `Kingpin' around which revolves the entire Agency administration. He is accountable to the provincial governor who also acts as an Agent to the President for tribal areas. The Political Agent coordinates the functions of nation building departments in the Agency and controls the tribesmen through a system of tribal and territorial responsibility, which, of course, is the key stone of the arch of political administration. The Political Agent usually does not interfere in the affairs of the tribesmen and intervenes only when a grave situation arises. He exercises his benign influence in case of the outbreak of tribal hostilities. The success of a Political Agent largely depends upon his personal influence and ability to tackle a difficult situation. He is assisted in his work by a small band of officers, including Assistant Political Officers, Tehsildars and Naib Tehsildars and so called Mirza.



Revenue

The staff consists of a Tehsildar, who also perform the revenue duties of superintendent Vernacular Office, Naib Tahsildar, 3 Kanugos and 24 Patwaris. These last were originally drawn from other districts, but a number of young men of he valley, who have received the education and training required, have been appointed, and it is hoped that the valley will soon be self-supporting in this respect.



Police

It has already been stated that there are no police in the valley. Their place is taken by a couple of dozen of men of the Kurram Milita, who are detailed from time to time to assist the Naib Hakims. These acts as arresting agency and process servers and are found quite adequate to perform their duties satisfactorily. A similar number attached to the Tahsildar carry out the duties of revenue peons. For other police duties such as the guarding of prisoners, the making of more important or difficult arrests and the like, armed men of the Militia are detailed by the commandant daily to the number required.



Hospitals

There is civil surgeon who is also Medical officer of the Militia. There is a central Hospital at Parachinar with a Hospital Assistant, and another Civil Hospital at Alizai with a Hospital Assistant in charge in the post of Duma Khwarra at Sadda.





Under the Constitution, FATA is included among the “territories” of Pakistan (Article 1). It is represented in the National Assembly and the Senate but remains under the direct executive authority of the President (Articles 51, 59 and 247). Laws framed by the National Assembly do not apply here unless so ordered by the President, who is also empowered to issue regulations for the “peace and good government” of the tribal areas. Today, FATA continues to be governed primarily through the Frontier Crimes Regulation 1901. It is administered by Governor of the NWFP in his capacity as an agent to the President of Pakistan, under the overall supervision of the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions in Islamabad (Khan, 2005).



Until 2002, decisions related to development planning in the tribal areas were taken by the FATA section of the NWFP planning and development department, and implemented by government line departments. In that year, a FATA Secretariat was set up, headed by the Secretary FATA. Four years later, in 2006, the Civil Secretariat FATA was established to take over decision-making functions, with an Additional Chief Secretary, four secretaries and a number of directors. Project implementation is now carried out by line departments of the Civil Secretariat FATA. The NWFP Governor’s Secretariat plays a coordinating role for interaction between the federal and provincial governments and the Civil Secretariat FATA.



Each tribal agency is administered by a political agent, assisted by a number of assistant political agents, tehsildars (administrative head of a tehsil) and naib tehsildars (deputy tehsildar), as well as members from various local police (khassadars) and security forces (levies, scouts). As part of his administrative functions, the political agent oversees the working of line departments and service providers. He is responsible for handling inter-tribal disputes over boundaries or the use of natural resources, and for regulating the trade in natural resources with other agencies or the settled areas.



The political agent plays a supervisory role for development projects and chairs an agency development sub-committee, comprising various government officials, to recommend proposals and approve development projects. He also serves as project coordinator for rural development schemes.



An FR is administered by the district coordination officer of the respective settled district, who exercises the same powers in an FR as the political agent does in a tribal agency.



Interference in local matters is kept to a minimum. The tribes regulate their own affairs in accordance with customary rules and unwritten codes, characterised by collective responsibility for the actions of individual tribe members and territorial responsibility for the area under their control. The government functions through local-level tribal intermediaries, the maliks (representatives of the tribes) and lungi holders (representatives of sub-tribes or clans), who are influential members of their respective clan or tribe (Shinwari, undated).



All civil and criminal cases in FATA are decided under the Frontier Crimes Regulation 1901 by a jirga (council of elders). Residents of the tribal areas may, however, approach the apex courts (Supreme Court of Pakistan and Peshawar High Court) with a constitutional writ challenging a decision issued under the 1901 Regulation.

FATA elects members to the federal legislature through adult franchise. The system of devolution introduced elsewhere in the country in 2001 by means of provincial Local Government Ordinances (LGOs) has not been extended to the tribal areas. A separate LGO for FATA has been drafted and is awaiting promulgation. A system of partial local-level governance does, however, operate through councils in the tribal agencies and FRs. Elected councillors are involved in various aspects of development planning and decision making.



FATA is divided into two administrative categories: ‘protected’ areas are regions under the direct control of the government, while ‘non-protected’ areas are administered indirectly through local tribes.



In protected areas, criminal and civil cases are decided by political officers vested with judicial powers. After completing the necessary inquiries and investigations, cognizance of the case is taken and a jirga is constituted with the consent of the disputing parties. The case is then referred to the jirga, accompanied by terms of reference. The jirga hears the parties, examines evidence, conducts further inquiries where needed, and issues a verdict which may be split or unanimous. The political agent, or an official appointed by the political agent for this purpose, examines the verdict in the presence of parties to the case and members of the jirga. If the verdict is found to be contrary to customary law or tainted with any irregularity, the case may be remanded to the same jirga for re-examination or the verdict may be rejected and a fresh jirga constituted. Where the verdict is held to be in accordance with customary law and free of irregularities, it is accepted and a decree is issued accordingly. An aggrieved party may challenge the decree before an appellate court, and a further appeal may be lodged with a tribunal consisting of the home secretary and law secretary of the federal or provincial government. Once appeals are exhausted, execution of the verdict is the responsibility of the political administration.



In non-protected areas, cases are resolved through a local jirga at the agency level. Local mediators first intervene to achieve a truce (tiga) between parties in a criminal case, or to obtain security (muchalga) in cash or kind for civil disputes. Thereafter, parties must arrive at a consensus concerning the mode of settlement—arbitration, riwaj (customary law) or Shariah (Islamic law). Once the mode of settlement is agreed upon, mediators arrange for the selection of a jirga with the consent of the parties to the case.



Where arbitration is selected, a jirga is nominated by consensus and given an open mandate (waak), with the understanding that its decision will be accepted by all parties. Here, the decision of the jirga cannot be challenged. In cases decided according to customary law or the Shariah, however, an aggrieved party may challenge the jirga’s decision before another jirga of their own choice. The new jirga does not hear the case afresh but only examines the original decision to see whether it deviates from customary law or the Shariah. Further appeal may be referred to a third jirga and its decision is final.



Implementation of jirga decisions in non-protected areas is the responsibility of the tribe. The jirga may mete out punishment to an offender, imposing a heavy fine. Occasionally, more serious measures may be taken such as expelling an individual or a family from the area, and confiscating, destroying or setting fire to homes and property. In such cases, the entire tribe bands together as a lashkar (army) to enforce the decision.


While most disputes are settled internally, more serious matters may require the calling of a larger jirga made up of maliks, elders, the political agent, members of the National Assembly and Senate, and occasionally even representatives from neighbouring agencies or FRs.



Although the jirga mechanism enjoys widespread favour, corruption has begun to enter the system. It is reported that the poor and more vulnerable segments of society cannot afford to convene a jirga. There are a number of requirements for a jirga to be held, including hospitality, which are increasingly beyond the reach of most ordinary people. There is also the grievance, now voiced more frequently, that in most cases jirga decisions favour the richer or more influential party.







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Customs and Traditions Of Parachinar By Ishrat Hussain ish

CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS


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PUKHTOONWALI

"I despise the man who does not guide his life by honor

The very word honor drives me mad".

(Khushal Khan Khattak)

The Pukhtoon social structure, which has attracted the attention of many a scholar is mainly governed by conventions and traditions and a code of honor known as "Pukhtoonwali". This un-written code is the keystone of the arch of the Pukhtoons' social fabric. It exercises a great influence on their actions and has been held sacrosanct by them generation after generation. The Pukhtoonwali or the Pukhtoon code of honor embraces all the activities from the cradle to the grave. It imposes upon the members of the Pukhtoon society four chief obligations. Firstly Nanawatey or repentance over past hostility or inimical attitude and grant of asylum, secondly Teega or a truce declared by a Jirga to avoid bloodshed between two rival factions, thirdly Badal or obligation to seek revenge by retaliation and fourthly Melmastiya or an open hearted hospitality which is one of the most sublime and noble features of Pukhtoon character. In a broad sense hospitality, magnanimity, chivalry, honesty, uprightness, patriotism, love and devotion for the country are the essential features of Pukhtoonwali.

The history of Pukhtoonwali is as old as the history of the Pukhtoons and every individual of Pukhtoon society is expected to abide by these age old traditions. The non-observance of these customary laws is considered disgraceful and may lead to expulsion of an individual or even a whole family. Pukhtoonwali, Pukhto and Pukhtoon have become almost synonymous terms.

NANAWATEY: Some European writers define Nanawatey as grant of asylum to fugitives or extreme hospitality. An experienced British administrator who served as a Political Officer on the Frontier for a fairly long time describes it "an extension of the idea of Melmastia, (Hospitality) in an extreme form, stepped up to the highest degree". But the grant of asylum or sanctuary is only one aspect of Nanawatey while its exact definition and true spirit seems to have been ignored. As a matter of fact, it is a means to end longstanding disputes and blood feuds and transform enmity into friendship. Under Nanawatey a penitent enemy is forgiven and the feuding factions resume peaceful and friendly relations. Thus it creates a congenial atmosphere for peaceful co-existence and mutual understanding through eventual reconciliation.

When a person feels penitent over his past bellicose postures and hostility and expresses a desire to open a new chapter of friendly relations with his foe and live in peace and amity with him, he approaches the tribal elders, Ulema and religious divines for intercession on his behalf for a settlement. In this regard the Jirga's efforts are always countenanced with favor and the very presence of the suppliant in the enemy's Hujra creates a congenial atmosphere for resumptions of friendly relations. The host, who used to scan the neighborhood in an effort to avenge his insult, exercises patience and kindness and gently pardons his opponent for his past misconduct. This is followed by slaughtering of a buffalo, cow, or a few lambs or goats provided by the suppliant. A feast is held in the Hujra and with it the enmity comes to an end.

The customs relating to Nanawatey are more or less identical throughout the Pukhtoon society. In some parts of the tribal areas, however, there was a custom according to which the suppliant used to go before his enemy with grass in his mouth and a rope round his neck as a mark of humility (this custom no longer exists). Sometimes women bearing the Holy Quran over their heads would approach the enemy's house to plead their family members innocence in any given case. The tribesmen, like Muslims all over the world, have a deep faith in the Holy Quran and they, therefore, regard it as a sacrilegious act to deny the favour asked for through the Holy Book. Besides, the women are held in high esteem by Pukhtoons and therefore, a favor solicited through them is seldom denied. Sometimes a man manages to reach his enemy's hearth and stays there till his request for Nanawatey is acceded to. However, if some obstacles lie in the way of acceptance of a Nanawatey then the suppliant bides his time for an opportune occasion such as occurance of a death in his enemy's family. He hurries to his enemy's village, joins the funeral procession, tries to be one of the pall-bearers and announces his desire for Nanawatey. This evokes a spontaneous feeling of sympathy and the relatives of the deceased readily concede to their erstwhile enemy's desire. It is, however interesting to note that no Nanawatey is accepted in which the honor of the women is involved.

Any one who gains access to a Pukhtoon's house can claim asylum. He is protected by the owner of the house even at the risk of his own life. Under Panah which is a subsidiary element of Nanawatey one can take shelter under the roof of a Pukhtoons' house irrespective of caste, creed, status or previous relations. Though it would seem paradoxical yet Pukhtoons on several occasions have provided sanctuary to their deadly enemies. Panah is best illustrated by a story which, according to Mr. Claud Field "is often told on the Frontier". Once a quarrel between a creditor and a debtor resulted in the death of the creditor near his village. The debtor made an un-successful bid to run away, but he was hotly chased by the deceased's relatives. Having failed to escape the assassin approached a village tower and sought refuge in "Allah's Name". The chieftain of the tower, after enquiries from the fugitive realized that he had slain his brother. Instead of avenging his brother's death on the spot, the chieftain calmly said to the fugitive, "you have killed my own brother, but as you have asked for refuge in God's Name, in His name I give it." He was forthwith admitted to the tower and the pursuers sternly forbidden to approach. When they departed, the chieftain gave the refugee an hour's grace to leave the premises and be gone. The refugee made good use of the grace period and escaped death on that occasion, at least.

Another example of asylum, as recorded in books, is that of an old Pukhtoon woman. It is said that once a gang of dacoits raided a village. The villagers, including the two sons of an old woman, came out to challenge the dacoits. Soon a fierce fight ensued between the two parties in which besides others both the sons of the old woman were also killed. The dacoits having found all escape-routes blocked, sought shelter in the house of the old woman. The pursuers, who were close on their heels, felt delighted that the dacoits were now in their grip. But on approaching the old woman's house, they were deeply annoyed to find their way barred by her. Displaying traditional Pukhtoon courage she determinedly said that she would not allow any one to lay hands on them. "You don't know" the pursuers angrily said, "they have killed your two sons". "That may be so", she calmly replied, "but they have come Nanawatey to my house and I cannot see anyone laying his hands on them so long as they are under my roof".

The obligation of asylum frequently brought the Pukhtoons into conflict with the British during their one hundred years' rule on the Frontier. The government, under various treaties and agreements entered into by the tribesmen with the British and under the principle of territorial responsibility, often insisted that tribesmen should refrain from harbouring outlaws, but the Pukhtoons considering it as an act against the canons of Pukhtoonwali, often refused to oblige the authorities in spite of threats of reprisals and severe punishment. The tribesmen's obduracy in this connection, on many occasions, led to despatch of military expeditions and economic blockades by the British. They braved all sufferings, bore the brunt of the enemy's attack and suffered losses both in men and material but gallantly refused to hand over the guest outlaws. "In common with all Afghans", writes Claud Field, "the Pukhtooni exercise a rough hospitality and offer an asylum to any fugitive endeavoring to escape from an avenger, or from the pursuit of justice and they would undergo any punishment or suffer any injuries rather then deliver up their guest". The denial of protection, says Sir Olaf Caroe, "is impossible for one who would observe Pukhto, it cannot be refused even to an enemy who makes an approach according to Nanawatey."

KANRREY OR TEEGA: Kanrrey or Teega is another custom among the Pukhtoons, which stands for cessation of blood-shed between contending parties. Teega (lit. putting down of a stone) in other words means a temporary truce declared by a Jirga. The word stone is used figuratively as actually no stone is put at the time of the cessation of hostilities. Once the truce is enforced, no party dares violate it for fear of punitive measures.

When hostilities break out between two rival factions and firing starts from house tops and surrounding hills, a tribal Jirga intervenes to restore peace and prevent blood-shed. In case of firing, there is no security of life and property and death hangs over the feuding factions like the sword of Democles. The Jirga, consisting of local tribal elders and religious divines, declares a Teega after full deliberations and in consultations with the parties concerned and declares a truce for a specified period on pain of a Nagha or fine. Nagha is paid by the party which violates the truce. The objective underlying Teega is to restore normal conditions by holding the feelings of enmity in abeyance, cooling down tempers and providing an opportunity to the two sides to settle their dispute amicably through tribal elders on the principles of justice and fair-play. The parties generally, strictly adhere to the terms of the truce. Any one of the contending parties which commits a breach of the truce is punished with a heavy fine.

If the party guilty of violating the truce declines to pay the prescribed amount of fine, the Jirga proceeds to recover it forcibly. This may be in the form of burning of the houses of the rebel group, its expulsion from the locality or banishment from the tribe. This task is accomplished with the help of a tribal lashkar, composed of armed tribesmen. No one can, therefore, violate the truce because of such stringent action. Here the Jirga's action resembles U.N. General Assembly's action against any rebel government. The General Assembly applies economic sanctions against a defiant government, which may be in-effective because the General Assembly has no authority to enforce it or compel member countries to abide by its decision, but orders of a Jirga cannot be ignored or side-tracked in any form or manner.

BADAL

To my mind death is better than life

when life can no longer be held with honor:

(Khushal Khan Khattak)

Self-respect and sensitivity to insult is another essential trait of Pukhtoon character. The poorest among them has his own sense of dignity and honor and he vehemently refuses to submit to any insult. In fact every Pukhtoon considers himself equal if not better than his fellow tribesmen and an insult is, therefore, taken as scurrilous reflection on his character. An insult is sure to evoke insult and murder is likely to lead to a murder.

Badal (retaliation) and blood feuds generally emanate from intrigue with women, murder of one of the family members or their hamsayas, violation of Badragga, slight personal injury or insult or damage to property. Any insult is generally resented and retaliation is exacted in such cases.

A Pukhtoon believes and acts in accordance with the principles of Islamic Law i.e. an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth and blood for blood. He wipes out insult with insult regardless of cost or consequence and vindicates his honor by wiping out disgrace with a suitable action. But the urge for Badal does not mean that he is savage, blood thirsty or devoid of humane qualities. He is kind, affectionate, friendly and magnanimous and forgives any one who kills his relatives by a mistake but he will not allow any intentional murder go un avenged. Proud of his descent, he becomes offensive only when an insult is hurled at him or some injury is done to him deliberately. He goes in search of his enemy, scans the surrounding area and hills, lies in wait for months and years, undergoes all hardships but does not feel content till his efforts of wreaking vengeance on his enemy are crowned with success. Those who fail to fulfill the obligations of Pukhto (self-respect) by wiping out insult with insult, lose their prestige in the eyes of their compatriots, render themselves liable to Paighore (reproach) and earn an unfair name. According to Nang-e-Pakhto or code of honor an un avenged injury is the deepest shame and the honor of the person can be redeemed only by a similar action. It may, however, be noted that "there is little if any random crime or violence" in the tribal areas as the stakes are too high and the retribution too certain to follow.

Many daring stories of Badal or retaliation are recorded by European as well as Asian writers but one such story showing Pukhtoons' strong urge for Badal has been related by Mrs Starr. She writes, "once an old man with a white beard and hair and eyes filmy with cataract came into the out patient hall, and when his turn came to see the doctor, he said "I am old but give me sight that I may use a gun again. `To the doctors' query he replied in quite a placid and natural manner: `I have not taken the exchange (revenge) for my sons' death sixteen years ago."

Another famous story of revenge, as told by T.C. Pennell, is that a Pathan girl who approached a court of law for justice but the judge expressed his inability to prosecute the offender for his imputed crime due to lack of ample evidence. This enraged the girl and she said in fit of anger, "Very well, I must find my own way". She went in search of the murderer of her brother "who had escaped the justice of the law but not the hand of the avenger". She "concealed a revolver on her person and coming up to her enemy in the crowded bazar, shot him point blank".

Sometimes a Pukhtoon becomes so sentimental that he vows not to take a meal with his right hand and sleep on ground instead of a charpaee (bedstead) until he has avenged the wrong done to him. Pukhtoon history is replete with many examples of Badal and there are instances where a child born a few months even after the murder of his father has, wreaked vengeance on his enemy after patiently waiting for many years.

The obligation of Badal rests with the aggrieved party and it can be discharged only by action against the aggressor or his family. In most cases the aggressor is paid in the same coin. If no opportunity presents itself "he may defer his revenge for years, but it is disgraceful to neglect or abandon it entirely, and it is incumbent on his relations, and sometimes on his tribe, to assist him in his retaliation". When a Pukhtoon discovers that his dishonour is generally known, he prefers to die an honourable death rather than live a life of disgrace. He exercises the right of retribution with scant regard for hanging and transportation and only feels contented after avenging the insult. Badal resulted in blood feuds and vendetta in the past, but now due to the prevalent peaceful conditions in the tribal area and with the spread of education, the incidence of Badal are few and far between.

MELMASTIYA (Hospitality)

"It goes waste if you feed yourself alone;

It gives satisfaction to have your meal in company"

(Khushal Khan Khattak)

Pukhtoon have been described as one of the most hospitable peoples of the world. They consider Melmastiya or generous hospitality as one of the finest virtues and greet their guest warmly with a broad smile on their faces. A Pukhtoon feels delighted to receive a guest regardless of his past relations or acquaintance and prepares a delicious meal for him. "Each house," says Mirza Agha Abbas of Shiraz, "subscribes a vessel of water for the mosque and for strangers". Dilating on the subject Mr. L. White King says that "Pathans regard dispensing of hospitality as a sacred duty, and supply their guests with food according to their means". Guests are usually entertained in a Hujra (village meeting place), where guests are entertained and routine meetings of the elders are held. Each village contains at least, one Hujra. The host kills a fowl if he cannot afford to slaughter a lamb or goat and prepares a sweet dish (Halwa) to satisfy his sense of hospitality. Guests are not only looked after but also respected. "A rich chief", says T.L. Penall, "will be satisfied with nothing less than the slaying of the sheep when he receives a guest of distinction. A poorer man will be satisfied with the slaying of a fowl".

Pukhtoons feel happy over the coming of the guests and greet them with traditional slogans, "Har Kala Rasha" and "Pa Khair Raghley" and "Starrey Mashey" i.e. may you often come, welcome and may you not be tired. He also exchanges such courtesies with the guest as "Jorr Yai" (are you well) "Kha Jorr Yai" (are you quite well) and "Takrra Yai" (are you hale and hearty). The guest gratefully acknowledging these forms of welcome by saying "Pa Khair Ossey", (may you be safe) "Khudai de mal sha" (May God be with you) "Khushal Ossey" (may you be prosperous and happy) and "Ma Khwaraigey" (may you not be destitute). This way of greeting full of friendly gestures reflects the warmth with which the guests are received. The arrival of the guest in Hujra is immediately followed by tea and later the guest is served with a rich meal consisting of Halwa (a special sweet dish), Pullao (rice dish) and other seasonal dishes. When the guest sets off on his journey he is bade farewell in these words "Pa Makha De Kha" (may your journey be safe and happy).

The guest of an individual is considered as the guest of all and he is jointly entertained by the villagers in the Hujra. A variety of dishes are prepared and the elders of the family lunch or dine with the guest on a common piece of cloth (Dastarkhwan) spread over a carpet, drugget or a mazri mat. It is one of the cardinal principles of Pukhtoon's hospitality to request the guest to sup or take a few morsels with the village folk even though the guest may have had his meals but the etiquette enjoins upon the guest to oblige his hosts by taking a few more morsels. After they have partaken of a meal the company prays to Allah to give the host riches and prosperity and power of entertaining more guests.

Giving a vivid description of Pukhtoon hospitality, Sir Olaf Caroe writes "The giving of hospitality to the guest is a national point of honor, so much so that the reproach to an inhospitable man is that he is devoid of Pakhto, a creature of contempt. It is the greatest of affronts to a Pathan to carry off his guest, and his indignation will be directed not against the guest who quits him but to the person who prevails on him to leave. This, or something like it, was the reception accorded to the outlaws from British justice who fled to the hills."

Another example of Pukhtoon hospitality is recorded by Dr. Pennel who served in Bannu and the adjoining tribal areas as a missionary doctor for a number of years. He writes "on one occasion I came to a village with my companion rather late in the evening. The chief himself was away but his son received me with every mark of respect and killed a fowl and cooked a savoury Pullao". He adds, "Late at night when the Khan returned and found on enquiry that the Bannu Padre Sahib was his guest, he asked if he had been suitably entertained. To his dismay he heard that only a chicken had been prepared for dinner. Immediately, therefore, he ordered a sheep to be killed and cooked, so that his honor might be saved." To their minds, Says another English writer, "hospitality is the finest of virtues. Any person who can make his way into their dwellings will not only be safe, but will be kindly received."

SOCIAL USAGES

TOR: As has been suggested earlier that Pukhtoons are sensitive about the honor of their women folk and slight molestation of the women is considered a serious and an intolerable offence. The cases of adultery and illicit relations are put down with iron hand in and no quarter is given to culprits either male or female. Casting of an evil eye on woman is tantamount to imperil one's life. Both sexes, therefore, scrupulously avoid indulgence in immoral practices.

If a Pukhtoon discovers that a particular person is carrying a liaison with any female of his house, then he neither spares the life of the female nor that of her seducer. This is called Tor in Pashto (literally meaning black but used for public disgrace and defamation) or stigmatization of both male and female who are found guilty of illicit amour on sufficient evidence. Both the man and woman are put to death according to the customary law and this type of notoriety, abuse and slander is wiped out with the blood of the culprit. Besides adultery, death penalty is also prescribed for elopement which also falls under the purview of Tor. In cases of Tor murder is not accounted for and the woman relatives are justified by the tribal law to kill their female relation as well as her paramour. In case any of the persons guilty of adultery succeeds in absconding, the heirs of the female have every right to kill him/her whenever and wherever an opportunity presents itself. Otherwise the matter remains Paighor (reproach).

Tor has two aspects. If a woman is criminally assaulted and raped by force by a man with whom she had no previous illicit relations, then the woman is spared because of her innocence and the guilty man alone is put to death. According to the tribal custom, the accused is handed over to her parents, or her husband, if she is married. If the culprit's family refuses to hand him over to the Jirga or the relatives of the violated woman, then the adulterer's family is forced to abandon their village and seek refuge outside tribal limits. In such cases the relatives of the woman have a right to wipe out the insult by killing the accused himself or his brother or father. Not only the husbands but even brothers consider themselves bound to wipe out the insult.

The second aspect of Tor is that if the infidelity of a woman or the alleged involvement of adultery of both male and female is proved, then both are put to death. It is because of such deterrent punishment and ignominious death that both the sexes dare not indulge in fornication.

GUNDI: Gundi is a classic case of balance of power in tribal areas. It is derived from Pashto word Gund, meaning a political party but it is used for an alliance. As modern states enter into bilateral agreements for promotion of trade, cultivation of friendly relations and mutual defence, similarly various sections of a tribe align themselves in blocs or Gundis to safeguard their common interests. Gundi is entered into defeat the aggressive and nefarious designs of a hostile neighbour. In tribal fighting the Gundi members espouse their mutual interests against their common enemy and act as a corporate body with all the resources at their command.

The history of the Pukhtoons provide many instances of long blood feuds spreading over several years. To quote an example, a quarrel of a few blacksmiths split up the Zarghun Khel section of the Adam Khel tribe into two warring factions in 1922 and the hostilities continued for over five years in which the tribesmen of different villages arrayed themselves on one or the other side. The member of a Gundi maintain constant liaison with each other, exchange views on matters of common interest and hold mutual consultations to meet critical situations. They invite each other on festive occasions, help each other in the hour of need and share each other's joys and sorrows.

LOKHAY WARKAWAL: Lokhay Warkawal literally means `giving of a pot' but it implies the protection of an individual or a tribe. Lokhay is generally given by a weaker tribe to a stronger one with the object of ensuring its safety and security. It is accepted in the form of a sacrificial animal such as a goat or a sheep. When a tribe accepts a Lokhay from another tribe, it undertakes the responsibility of safeguarding the latter's interests against its enemies and protects it at all costs. The custom of Lokhay is common among the Afridi tribes of Khyber Agency and Orakzai tribes of Tirah.

LAKHKAR: Lakhkar (widely known as Lashkar) is an armed party which goes out from a village or tribe for warlike purposes. The Lakhkar may consist of a hundred to several thousand men. The Lakhkar assembled for Jehad (Holy War) is usually very large. The decisions of a Jirga, if violated by a party, are enforced through a tribal Lakhkar. The Lakhkar thus performs the functions of police in the event of a breach of tribal law.

CHIGHA: Chigha means a pursuit party. The Chigha party is formed or taken out in case a village is raided by armed bandits with the object of lifting cattle, looting property or abducting an inmate of the village. Composed of armed persons, the Chigha party goes in pursuit of the raiders to effect the release of the cattle etc or recover the stolen property.

TARR: A mutual accord between two tribes or villagers themselves with regard to a certain matter is called Tarr. For instance, after sowing wheat or any other crop, the people of the village agree not to let loose their cattle to graze in the fields and thus damage the crop. The man whose cattle are found grazing in the fields in violation of this agreement has no right to claim compensation for an injury caused to his cattle by the owner of the field.

MLA TARR: Mla Tarr, which literally means `girding up of loins' denotes two things. Firstly it is used for all such members of a family who are capable of carrying and using firearms. If for instance, some one says that "A" has a Mla Tarr of ten men, it would mean that "A" can furnish an armed party of ten men usually consisting of his sons grandsons or close relatives. Secondly, it means espousing the cause of a man against his enemies and providing him with an armed party. The tribesmen resort to Mla Tarr when a person belonging to their village or tribe is attacked, mal-treated or disgraced by their enemies.

BADRAGGA: An armed party escorting a fugitive or a visitor to his destination, is called Badragga. Badragga is a guarantee for the safety of a man who is either hotly pursued by his enemies or there is an apprehension of his being killed on his way home. An armed party accompanies such a man as Badragga or `escort' to ensure his safe return to the place of his abode. Badragga is never attacked by the second party because of fear of reprisals and the blood feud that is sure to follow if an attack is made on it. The Badragga convoy can be depended upon only within its own geographical limits; beyond it, the people of other tribes take the charge to convoy the traveller.

BADNARR: Badnarr which means the imposition of a ban closely resembles Tarr both in spirit and essence. The only difference between the two is that the scope of Tarr is vast and it includes any matter unanimously agreed upon whereas Badnarr is specifically used for a ban on cutting wood from hills. Anyone violating Badnarr renders himself liable to the payment of a specific amount of fine. Tribesmen immediately approach him for extraction of fine and he is obliged by this tribal custom to pay Nagha (fine).

BILGA: The word Bilga is used for stolen property. According to tribal custom, a man is held responsible for a dacoity, theft or burglary if any of the stolen articles are recovered from his house. In such a case he is obliged to make good the loss sustained by the afflicted person. He, however, stands absolved of Bilga if he discloses the source or the persons from whom he had purchased the stolen articles.

BOTA: Bota means carrying away. It is a sort of retaliatory action against an aggressor. For instance, if a creditor fails to recover his debt from the debtor, he resorts to Bota by seizing his cattle or one of his kith and kin. The creditor keeps them as hostages till his dues are fully realised or the debtor has furnished a security to make payment within a specified period to the creditor.

BARAMTA: Baramta like Bota is resorted to when the grievances of a party are not redressed or a debtor adopts delaying tactics in respect of payment of a debt to the creditor. The word Baramta is derived from Persian word Baramad which means recovery or restitution of property etc. Under Baramta hostages are held to ransom till the accused returns the claimed property. The Pukhtoons consider it an act against their sense of honour and contrary to the principles of Pukhtoonwali to lay their hands on dependent classes such as blacksmiths, tailors, barbers and butchers etc belonging to the debtor's village.

Bota and Baramta in the tribal areas have often given rise to inter-tribal disputes and blood feuds. The British Government in India often resorted to Baramta in the event of hostilities with the tribesmen. When the Government failed to cow the tribesmen by force, it used to resort to this coercive method by seizing cattle, property, men and women in Baramta wherever they happened to be in settled districts.

BALANDRA OR ASHAR: Balandra or Ashar can be best described as a village aid programme under which a particular task is accomplished on the basis of mutual cooperation and assistance. At the time of sowing or harvesting, the villagers lend a helping hand to the man who seeks their help. They take out their pair of bullocks to plough his fields at sowing time and assist him in reaping his crops at the time of harvest. The man, thus obliged, by the fellow villagers holds a feast in their honor in the evening.

MEERATA: Meerata means complete annihilation of the male members of a family by brutal assassination. This is not a custom but a criminal act. Under Meerata, the stronger member of family used to assassinate their weak but near relatives with the sole object of removing them from the line of inheritance and gaining forcible possession of their lands, houses and other property. This kind of cold blooded murder is seriously viewed by the tribal law and persons responsible for such an in-human and ghastly act cannot escape the wrath of Pukhtoons. The Jirga immediately assembles to take suitable action against the culprits. The penalty is usually in the form of setting on fire their houses and other property and expulsion of the culprits from their area.

SAZ: The word Saz is used for blood money or compensation in lieu of killing. Under the custom of Saz a person who feels penitent after committing a deliberate murder, approaches the deceased's family through a Jirga and offers to make payment of blood money to end enmity between them. All hostilities come to an end between the parties after acceptance of Saz. Sometimes the payment of compensation takes the form of giving a girl in marriage to the aggrieved party. It is also called Swarah which binds together the two parties in blood relations and thus helps in eradicating ill will and feelings of enmity.

ITBAR: Itbar which means trust, or guaranteed assurance or is the arch of society which is governed by un-written laws or conventions. All business including contracts relating to sale and mortgage or disposal of property, is transacted on the basis of trust or Itbar. Such transactions are verbal and are entered into in the presence of the village elders or a few witnesses. The violation of Itbar is considered to be dishonourable act, un-becoming of gentleman and contrary to the norms of Pukhtoonwali.

HAMSAYA: The word Hamsaya in Persian and Urdu stands for a neighbour but in Pashto it applies to a man who abandons his home either due to poverty or blood feud and seeks protection of an elder of another village. In this way the latter becomes his client or vassal. It is, therefore, incumbent upon the protector to save his Hamsaya from insult or injury from any source.

In some cases the Hamsayas till the lands of their protectors and render them help in other vocations. But it has no marked bearing on the Hamsayas' social status and they are treated at par with the other inhabitants of the village. Barbers, cobblers, butchers, blacksmiths, carpenters etc can live as Hamsaya.

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The History Of Parachinar

History

Parachinar is the political head quarter of Kurram valley. It has offices of political agent, levy, and Kurram Militia, part of Frontier core (FC). It is located on the western and northern side of the valley. This makes it a part of Upper Kurram. The name of Parachinar comes from 'Para', one of the tribes of the valley and 'Chinar', the maple trees which are found in abundance in Kurram value in general and Parachinar in particular. The town of Parachinar has population around thirty thousand with Turi majority. The town has government hospital and many government schools.

Parachinar originated as a summer residence for nomadic tribes who wintered their livestock at lower altitudes, and the district had originally been a summer residence for Moghul emperors from Delhi. The Parachinar region was part of Afghanistan before the Second Afghan War of 1878-79, but was not firmly annexed by the British due to resistance from local tribes until 1892. During the colonial era between then and 1947 Parachinar became a hill station for people from Peshawar as it is relatively cool in the summer and very easy to reach from the plains despite its high altitude since there are no steep ascents on the route from Peshawar.

The population originally consited largely of the Turi tribe of Pashtuns who are mostly Shia Muslims. Presently Shia Muslims are in majority and Sunni are in minority. Turi Tribe is the owner of Parachinar while others came as refugees and got settled on the outskirts of Parachinar. They were given permission by Turi tribe to live on the outskirts of Parachinar and were asked to guard the mountains against outsiders.

Because of its proximity to the border it has been an important staging point for mujahadeen and Taliban fighters entering Afghanistan.

Kurram Valley

Kurram Valley is located in the FATA area of Pakistan.Geogrpahically it covers Kurram Valley which is a beautiful valley in the northwestern part of Pakistan neighboring Afghanistan.

Until the year 2000, when divisions were abolished, Kurram District used to be part of the Peshawar Division of the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan. The name Kurram comes from the river Kurram which flows along the valley. The valley in the north is surrounded by white mountains (the safed Koh) which also forms the natural border with Afghanistan.

The Kurram River drains the southern flanks of the Safed Koh mountain range, and enters the Indus plains north of Bannu. It flows west to east and crosses the Paktia Province Afghan-Pakistan border at 33°49′N 69°58′E / 33.817, 69.967 about 80 km southwest of Jalalabad, and joins the Indus near Isa Khel after a course of more than 320 km (200 miles). The district has an area of 3,310 km² (1,278 sq. miles); the population according to the 1998 census was 448,310[1]. It lies between the Miranzai Valley and the Afghan border, and is inhabited by the Pashtun Turis, a tribe of Turki and Pathan origin on the western and central side who are supposed to have subjugated the Bangash Pashtun about six hundred years ago. The language of the tribe is Pashto, but unlike majority of the Pashtuns they are Shias. Eastern portion of the valley is now inhabited mostly by Sunni Pukhtoons mostly Mangals and Paras and Sunni Bangash.



The Kurram Valley in ancient times offered the most direct route to Kabul and Gardez. The route crossed the Peiwar Kotal Pass 3,439 m (11,283 ft) high, just over 20 km west of modern Parachinar, but was blocked by snow for several months of the year.

The valley is highly irrigated, well peopled, and crowded with small fortified villages, orchards and groves, to which a fine background is afforded by the dark pine forests and alpine snows of the Safed Koh. The beauty and climate of the valley attracted some of the Mughal emperors of Delhi, and the remains exist of a garden planted by Shah Jahan. According to the Gazetteer of Kurram, the richness of the land gradually weaned the Turks from their nomadic life. Sections built villages and settled permanently; they ceased to be Kuchi and became Kothi this abandonment of their nomadic habits by the majority of the resulted, as it was bound to do, in a contraction of the area in effective possession. The upper Kurram plain was safe as their head-quarters, but hills and slopes below the Safed Koh and Mandher over which their graziers had kept an efficient watch, now afforded a menace as a place in which an encroaching tribe could established itself. To guard against this settlements of Mangales and Muqbols were half invited half allowed to push themselves in conditions of vassalage, and on promise to afford a buttress against any enemy aggression. In the lower Kurram, where for climatic reasons candidates for settlements were fewer, the problem was not easily solved. The Chardi Turis seem to have been the first to abandon their nomadic life.As the numbers who went down to graze every year became less,the area under control contracted. Sangroba and Hadmela were left far behind and as the Turis receded the Watizai Zaimushts gradually pushed in, until all that was left was a settlement at and about Alizai. On the western side the Saragallas retained, and still largely retain their habits. They too put in settlements around Biliamin and after much intervening warfare had finally to admit Bangashes brother not as vassals, but for the rest they retain unimpaired the rights on the western bank which they acquirerd at the time the conquest.

With Chardis this was for from being the course left unsupported by their Kuchis they maintained a precarious existence at Alizai until even then they had to give three-fifths of their land to the Watizai Zaimushts in return for their assistance in a feud they had entered upon with Bilyamin. Consequently the hills and the grazing grounds passed from the Turizun to the Zaimushtzun and as the other Zaimushts section being unopposed had settled themselves on the left bank below Sadda.

In the early 19th century the Kurram Valley was under the government of Kabul, and every five or six years a military expedition was sent to collect the revenue, the soldiers living meanwhile at free quarters on the people. It was not until about 1848 that the Turis were brought directly under the control of Kabul, when a governor was appointed, who established himself in Kurram. The Turis, being Shiah Muslims, never liked the Afghan rule.

During the second Afghan War, when Sir Frederick Roberts advanced by way of the Kurram Valley and the Peiwar Kotal to Kabul, the Turis lent him every assistance in their power, and in consequence their independence was granted them in 1880.

The administration of the Kurram Valley was finally undertaken by the British government, at the request of the Turis themselves, in 1890. Technically it ranked, not as a British district, but as an agency or administered area.

Two expeditions in the Kurram Valley also require mention: (1) The Kurram expedition of 1856 under Brigadier-General Sir Neville Chamberlain. The Turis on the first annexation of the Kohat district by the British had given much trouble. They had repeatedly leagued with other tribes to harry the Miranzai valley, harbouring fugitives, encouraging resistance, and frequently attacking Bangash and Khattak villages in the Kohat district. Accordingly, in 1856 a British force of 4,896 troops traversed their country, and the tribe entered into engagements for future good conduct. (2) The Kohat-Kurram expedition of 5,897 under Colonel W. Hill. During the frontier risings of 1897 the inhabitants of the Kurram valley, chiefly the Massozai section of the Orakzais, were infected by the general excitement, and attacked the British camp at Sadda and other posts. A force of 14,230 British troops traversed the country, and the tribesmen were severely punished. In Lord Curzon's reorganization of the frontier in 1900-1901, the British troops were withdrawn from the forts in the Kurram Valley, and were replaced by the Kurram militia, reorganized in two battalions, and chiefly drawn from the Turi tribe.
My name is Ishrat Hussain Ish Turi.

Father name is Jan Hussain

I m from Parachinar.

I study in Pakistan scout Cadet college batrasi Mansehra. I live in Malana.

Malana

Malana is a small village of Kurram Agency, Pakistan. It is located north of the main city Parachinar. Parachinar is the capital of Kurram Agency where the Political Administration offices are located. Malana village is divided into two parts by a small rainy canal called Malana Horr and remains dry throughout the year but during rainy season the rainy water flows through Malana Horr.

Malana Horr at end meets Kurram River called Darya-i-Kurram. The Malana Horr begins from Koh-i-Safid, a very famous mountain of the area that meets with Torra Borra which is famous for War on Terror. At the right side of Malana Horr is situated main Bus stop called Hazrat Ghazi Abbass Alamdar(a.s) Ziarat stop. At stop is a holy tomb of the younger brother of Hazrat Imam Hussain (a.s) the Hazrat Abbas Alamdar (a.s) who scafied at the desert of Karballa as faithful compainian of Imam Hussain(a.s. Most of the population of Malana village are Shia Muslim. Next to Hazrat Abbas (a.s) tomb stop start a sloopy green and very charming area and end at Liwankhel a small sub village of Malana where the plann area end and hills starts.

In the way from Ziarat Stop to Liwan Khell is Sub Village Start Kalay, Kasa located between hills and Malana Horr. The people earn their livings through small level forming and small business. On the left side of Malana Horr is Village Morokhel. one and half kilometer towards east is village Maikai which is directly connected to Parachinar by 5 km blacktopped road.